文化革命

 

CULTURAL REVOLUTION

 

 
China and Chinese lived in terrors since Peng Pai and Mao Tse-tung launched rasal-proletariat peasant movements in 1927. Peng Pai had at one time claimed that communist law would be simply the execution of landlords once they were caught. Mao Tse-tung, directly responsible for the rascal movement in Hunan Prov in 1927, would be the red-handed culprits in the Purge of Anti-Bolshevik League during 1930-1931, the Purge of Trotskyists during 1937-1941, and the Rectification Movement during 1942-1945. In the caste section, we also listed CCP's bloody crackdowns, including
 
Suppression of Reactionaries Movement (1950),
"Three Anti" (1951),
"Five Anti" (1952),
"Three Anti" (1953),
Gao Gang Anti-Party Clique (1953-1954),
Hu Feng Anti-Party Clique (1954-1955),
Elimination of Counterrevolutionaries (1955),
Ding Ling & Chen Qixia Anti-Party Clique (1955-1958 ?),
Rectification Movement (April 27th, 1957),
Anti-Rightist Movement (June 1957),
Peng Dehuai Anti-Party Clique (1959),
Anti-Rightist Trend (1959).
 
Simply said, CCP never stopped its bloody terror campaigns since inception in history, and its claws could be seen in the most recent crackdown on Falungong practitioners. Wen Yu, in his 1994 book Leftist Catastrophe of China (Cosmos Books Ltd., ISBN 9622577164, 1994, HK), summarized the leftist catastrophe of Chinese Communist Party from 1927 armed uprisings to 1978 Xidan Democracy Wall. Gao Hua, a Nanking University professor whose father fled the persecutions of the cultural revolution in Aug 1966, had presented the most comprehensive research into communist red terror in the book How Did The [Red] Sun Rise Over Yan'an ? - A History Of The Rectification Movement (The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Sha Tin, N.T., Hong Kong, 2000 edition).
 
What was the "Cultural Revolution" about then? It was nothing other than a coup d'etat that Mao Tse-tung had initiated by having the mobsters topple Liu Shaoqi's presidency. Ao-feng pointed out that Mao Tse-tung did not convene CCP 9th Session till 1969, i.e., till after toppling Liu Shaoqi presidency. CCP 9th Session would have a deliberate elapse of 13 years since the start of 1st Plenary of CCP 8th Session in 1956. Feng Zhijun, in Mao Tse-tung & Liu Shaoqi [Huangfu International Publishing House, HK, April 1998 Edition], examined the Mao-Liu relationship in historical parallel and expounded the cause and effect of the so-called "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution", an event that would topple 76% of CCP 8th Session's politburo members and backup commissars, majority of deputy chairmen of CCP Central Military Committee, majority of deputy commissars-in-chief of National People's Congress 3rd Session, majority of premiers of the State Council, and three quarters of ministrial leaders and provincial leaders. (Alternatively speaking, Jiang Qing, i.e., Mao Tse-tung's unofficial wife, had intentionally rendered a havoc to communists internally: Zheng Yi, in "Seventy Years Of Espionage Between KMT & CCP", pointed out that both Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao were agents who had been recruited by Dai Li in 1930s.)
 
Chinese believe in the "cycle" of life and death as expounded by buddhism. "Peng Dehuai Anti-Party Clique", Ming Dynasty's Hai Rui, & Cultural Revolution could be said to have the apparent cause and effect. Hei Yannan's Ten Year Turmoils (Xingchen Publishing House, HK, 1988 edition, ISBN 9620406540) began the coverage of the cultural revolution with "Chapter one: Starting From 'Historical Tragic Drama' [Ming Dynasty Official Hai Rui's Losing His Job]". During Mt Lushan Meeting of July 2-Aug 16 1959, Peng Dehuai was classified as reactionary for opposing Mao Tse-tung's Great Leap Forward which would lead to starvation death of minimum 40 million peasants in the ensuing 3 years. In 1961, a historical drama, "Hai Rui's Dismissal" was taken as a play for sympathizing with deposed Peng Dehuai. In 1965, Mao Tse-tung authorized his cronies in initiating an attack at the drama, unofficially starting the cultural revolution that would sweep through the communist apparatus of Peking city as well as the politburo that, in Mao's eyes, had been usurped by political enemy Liu Shaoqi etc.
 
 
Historical Context Of Mao-Liu Relationship
 
In the section on CCP terrors, I had covered "Mao Tse-tung & Liu Shaoqi Initial Cooperation". Gao Hua pointed out that Mao Tse-tung gradually exercised control over CCP in addition to his re-acquisition of control over the Red Army since the 1935 Zunyi Meeting held during the Long March. Moscow returnee Zhang Wentian, who was encouraged by Mao in the struggles against Bo-gu [Qin Bangxian] and Li-de [Otto Braun] during the Long March, replaced Bo-gu as CCP's secretary general on Feb 5th 1935. Mao Tse-tung, Zhang Wentian and Wang Jiaxiang formed the so-called Three Person Team (i.e., troika), with actual military power resting in the hands of Mao Tse-tung. Zhou Enlai became very much subordinate to Mao Tse-tung since. Moscow returnees were only in charge of party propaganda, party affairs and regional affairs. In contrast, Red Army generals began to enter CCP politburo. Thereafter, after arriving in Shenxi Prov, Mao Tse-tung began to resent Zhang Wentian's posture as a 'theoretist'. After defeating Bo-gu and Kai-feng (blasted as doctrinairist & factionalist), Mao Tse-tung defeated Zhang Guotao by dispatching Red Army Fourth Front Army to the mouth of Ma Family Cavalry.
 
In 1937, Mao Tse-tung allied with Liu Shaoqi in challenging Zhang Wentian. on Feb 20th & March 4th 1937, twice, Liu Shaoqi wrote letters to Zhang Wentian, criticising ten year long "leftist" mistakes committed by CCP & Comintern, blasted CCP's leftist antagonism to his activities on the job of CCP Northern Bureau representative, and hinting the necessity of CCP leadership (i.e., Zhang Wentian) in reflecting on the responsibility. During the May 17-26th Meeting on "CCP Tasks In KMT-Controlled Areas", Liu Shaoqi argued fervently against Zhang Wentian by repeating what he wrote in earlier letters. Liu Shaoqi claimed that CCP losses in KMT-Controlled areas were 100% due to the "leftist putschism" and "closed-door-ism" mistakes, while Zhang Wentian, Bo-gu, Kai-feng and Chen Geng accused Liu Shaoqi of sharing Trotsky & Chen Duxiu's "revocationism". Ke Qingshi cursed Liu Shaoqi as an "old rightist". on June 6th, Zhang Wentian tried to desalinate Mao Tse-tung's remarks by stating that past CCP mistakes were more a strategic mistake than a mistake in political guideline/trend. Zhang Wentian further blasted Liu Shaoqi on the matter of citing 'big hats' such as "leftist putschism", "venturism" and "closed-door-ism" and rebutted Liu Shaoqi's "legality-ism" in launching CCP movements inside of KMT-controlled areas. on June 9th & 10th, Liu Shaoqi backed down from previous stance and made self-criticisms. This would become the prelude to the Purge of Trotskyists of 1937-1941.
 
In late Oct of 1937, Wang Ming & Kang Sheng returned to Dihua (Urumqi) of New Dominion Prov from Moscow, and thereafter entered Yan'an. on Dec 25th 1937, Wang Ming, in KMT-controlled Wuhan, issued a proclamation representing Stalin's line of thought, i.e., "CCP Proclamation As To Current Affairs", and proposed "five united" approaches to resisting Japanese under the KMT leadership. Wang Ming returned to Yan'an for Feb 27-March 1 1938 meeting and proposed "seven united" approaches in cooperation with KMT. Mao Tse-tung, privately calling Wang Ming a "rightist surrenderist", advised against Wang Ming's return to Wuhan. However, majority CCP politburo members did not object to Wang Ming's trip to Wuhan where CCP Yangtze Bureau had become a de facto CCP ruling apparatus.
 
To counter Wang Ming, Mao Tse-tung recalled Liu Shaoqi to Yan'an in mid-March, and on March 24th, Liu Shaoqi was retained in Yan'an per politburo resolution. Meanwhile, Mao Tse-tung dispatched Ren Bishi to Moscow for winning over Comintern. After two months of work by Ren Bishi in Moscow, on June 11th, Cominter affirmed CCP's policies, and on July 6th, Pravda published an article with portraits of Mao Tse-tung and Zhu De. In Moscow, Ren Bishi replaced Wang Jiaxiang as CCP rep, while Georgi Dimitrov asked Wang Jiaxiang relay a message to CCP that Wang Ming et al should unite around Mao Tse-tung, a message that purportedly restored Mao Tse-tung's control over CCP.
 
Liu Shaoqi Contributions To CCP

 
Liu Shaoqi Deviations From Mao Tse-tung

 

 
 
Peng Dehuai, Hai Rui, & Cultural Revolution
 
In early 1959, "People's Daily" and New China News Agency reported that in Zhuangxian County of Hunan Province some commune harvested 35000 kilograms of rice per acre, while some commune in Guangxi Province reached 65000 kilograms per acre. one communist official, ex-general Peng Dehuai, was the only one who stood out against Mao, hence lost his job and was classified as a "counter-reactionary". Lushan Meeting of July 2-Aug 16 1959 declared the 'Peng Dehuai Anti-Party Clique' for opposing Mao Tse-tung's Great Leap Forward which led to starvation death of minimum 40 million peasants in the ensuing 3 years. After 1959's Lushan Meeting, Mao went on the Anti-Rightist Trend to rout another 3,800,000 people. In 1961, a historical drama, "Hai Rui's Dismissal", was taken as a play for sympathizing with deposed Peng Dehuai. In 1965, Mao Tse-tung authorized his cronies in initiating an attack at the drama, unofficially starting the cultural revolution that would sweep through the communist apparatus of Peking city as well as the politburo that, in Mao's eyes, had been usurped by political enemy Liu Shaoqi et al.
 
Hei Yannan, in Ten Year Turmoil, pointed out that it was Mao Tse-tung himself who had instructed in April 1959 that people should learn from the unwavering and defiant loyalty of Ming Dynasty's official Hai Rui in daring to contradict and admonish Ming Emperor Jiajing [reign AD 1522-1566]. People's Daily promptly contacted Wu Han, CCP's deputy mayor for Peking as well as a historian on Ming Dynasty, for a propaganda war on the subject of Hai Rui. Two top opera actors, Zhou Xinfang and Ma Lianliang, pressed on Wu Han in writing up a historical drama on basis of Hai Rui. Cai Xitao, a friend of Wu Han, suggested the title of "Hai Rui's Dismissal" for the drama in late 1960. Hei Yannan stated that in 1961, Jiang Qing, i.e., Mao Tse-tung's unofficial wife, first raised her questions about the political nature of the drama to Mao Tse-tung. By 1964, Kang Sheng, i.e., Mao Tse-tung's Beria, suggested to Mao Tse-tung that "Hai Rui's Dismissal" could be a plot to use drama for expressing sympathy with Peng Dehuai by citation of Mao Tse-tung's talk during CCP 10th Plenary of 8th Session that some "people invented a way of using novels against the party". After that, Jiang Qing contacted Ke Qingshi, i.e., 1st secretary of CCP committee of Shanghai as well as a historical feud of Liu Shaoqi, for some hatchet men including Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan. Eight months later, on Nov 10th 1965, Yao Wenyuan published "New Commentary on Historical Drama - Hui Rui's Dismissal" on "Wen Hui Bao" newspaper in Shanghai.
 
Peking, however, refused to carry this article.
 

 
 
Ye Qun's Virginity & Lin Biao's Revenge
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
On Feb 22nd 1950, Xie Hegeng & Wang Ying married with a license from NY.
June 1952: McCarthy Act
9/27/54 xie arrested
10/4/54 wang ying arrested
nov 22 54 kicked to sf
late dec back to china
mar 57 declined jiang qing's invitation
may-july 57: anti-rightists
xie rightist for zhongnanhai park proposal
li kenong visited wang ying, zhou enlai/dong biwu called xie back to beijing from manchuria
dec 1960 - wang ying
invited to xiangshan hotel by zhou
5,6,7, 1966 CR
july 1 1967 taken to prison by red guards
march 1974 died in prison
75 xie released
79 rightist cap gone

 
 
Peng Dehuai, Luo Ruiqing, Lu Dingyi & Yang Shangkun
 

 
 
Mao Tse-tung's "My Big Character Poster" [Aug 5th 1966]
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

 
Comment by Ah Xiang
 
TO BE CONTINUED !
 
Ding Shu is an expert on China's Bloody 50 Year History. The following Ding Shu article in Chinese summarizes the death tolls during the Cultural Revolution. The kind of horror that occurred during the Cultural Revolution might be forgotten by those people who endured it.
 
Owning the time constraints, this webmaster had not been able to continue writing on the "modern Chinese history" for about ten years. To give visitors to this page some information about the cultural revolution, this webmaster transcribed some key points of the article by Ding Shu.
 
Million Death During the Cultural Revolution
 
On June 10th, 1966, Mao told Ho Chi-ming that the proletarian revolution might lead to the downfall of hundreds, thousands people in academic, educational, arts, colleges, middle schools and primary schools.
 
The editorial of People's Daily on June 1st, 1966, marked the start of the cultural revolution.
 
Zhou Enlai stated that the movement was targeting not communist cadreds, but the authoritarian faction that had taken the capitalist path, landlords, wealthy peasants, rightists and bougeoisie academic authorities.
 
Home ransacking originally started in Peking, with 114,000 households impacted. Then the rampage spread across China. In Chuansha County of Shanghai, about 7800 households were ransacked, for example. Altogether , 10 million households were ransacked nationwide. 
 

 

 

 

 

【大紀元2月2日】以六月一日《人民日報》發表社論《橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神》正式開場的文革，宗旨是「橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神」， 其結果，文革(非正常)死亡人數統計為兩百万人。   2/2/2001 9:11:00 PM

文革(非正常)死亡人數統計為兩百万人   丁抒：中國旅美學者，著作有《人禍》等。 一九六六年六月十日，「無產階級文化大革命」剛剛開始，毛澤東會見越南國家主席胡志明時說：「這次是大大小小可能要整倒几百人、几千人、特別是學術界、教育界、出版界、文藝界、大學、中學、小學。」他說明了運動的重點目標，但有意縮小了打擊范圍，實際「整倒」的不是几百、几千人，而是几百万。 廣東名作家秦牧曾這樣評述文革：「這真是空前的一場浩劫，多少百万人顛連困頓，多少百万人含恨以終，多少家庭分崩离析，多少少年儿童變成了流氓惡棍，多少書籍被付之一炬，多少名胜古跡橫遭破坏，多少先賢墳墓被挖掉，多少罪惡假革命之名以進行！」 「多少百万人含恨以終」？文革中究竟死了多少人？說法不一，無從确定。正如一九八○年鄧小平對意大利女記者法拉奇所說的那樣：「永遠也統計不了。因為死的原因各种各樣，中國又是那樣廣闊。總之，人死了很多。」 Ｒ‧Ｊ‧Ｒｕｍｍｅｌ教授的著作《一百年血淋淋的中國》說，文革中喪生者的數目大約為七百七十三万人。這個數字可能偏高，但是筆者相信應在二百万以上。   一九六六年紅色恐怖殺人十万 文革中死人集中于几個時期，第一個是一九六六年的「紅色恐怖」。 以六月一日《人民日報》發表社論《橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神》正式開場的文革，宗旨就是「橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神」。 對「橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神」，周恩來有個說明：「橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神，不是掃一切干部，而是掃走資本主義道路的當權派，沒有改造好的地、富、坏、右和資產階級反動學術權威。」這就是文化革命的對象。 這「橫掃」，肇始于以中共干部子弟為基本隊伍的衛兵對牛鬼蛇神的抄家。這時，牛鬼蛇神還只限于「五類份子」即「地、富、反、坏、右」和「資產階級反動權威」、資本家。北京市家被抄的多達十一万四千多戶。從北京發源、迅速達于全國。抄家之多，史無前例。譬如上海郊區川沙縣有七千八百多戶人家被抄。浙江嵊縣，八千余戶被抄。全國城鎮鄉村被抄家的總數當接近一千万戶。 伴隨著抄家的，是拷打進而殺戮以「五類分子」為主的牛鬼蛇神。在中國大地上，從不曾有那么多人在那么短暫的時期內，死于最古老的刑具棍捧、皮帶。殺与已無冤無仇的人，要有精神支柱，十几歲的中學生將老師校長、鄰居街坊拷打至死，靠的就是一冊毛澤東的《湖南農民運動考察報告》。 要是沒有政府的支持，沒有公安局的配合，十几歲的中學生組成的紅衛兵不可能造成如此大范圍的恐怖。公安部部長謝富治在北京市公安局的一次會議上說：「民警要站在紅衛兵一邊……供給他們情況，把五類子的情況介紹給他們。」于是各地派出所与紅衛兵合作，將凡有「份子」頭銜的牛鬼蛇神的名單交給他們，讓他們去抓斗毆打。 對于紅衛兵任意打死人的情況，謝富治當然十分清楚。謝富治在會議上還說：「群眾打死人，我不贊成，但群眾對坏人恨之入骨，我們勸阻不住，就不要勉強。」謝富治還召集在各省、市公安局局長開會，說：「打，死人的紅衛兵是否蹲監？我看打死就打死了，我們根本管不著。」一個省的公安局長問：「拘捕起來總可以吧？」謝答道：「如果把打死人的都拘捕起來，你們能捕得光嗎？全國九千万個紅衛兵，到時，他們不衝你的安公局就好了。」他還指示「如果你把打人的人扣留起來，捕起來，你們 就要犯錯誤。」 六月間，打人之風剛開始盛行，北京新市委第一書記李雪峰傳達了毛澤東的「關于發生打死人事件的指示」：「打就打嘛，好人打好人誤會，不打不相識；好人打坏人，活該；好人打坏人光榮。」（江青傳達的字句稍有不同） 正是在得到這個「最高指示」之后，他們將打人提升為「紅色恐怖」，而就在這批中共干部子弟紅衛兵打死人的高潮中，毛澤東作出了從未有過的舉動，在天安門城樓上接見他們的代表。毛當然沒有表彰他們打死人的行為，他确實也不主張打死人。他不過是利用他們制造恐怖气氛以壓制對手罷了。 被打死的各類「份子」數以千計，后來中共官方統計說是北京市被打死一千七百余人，那就是說，至少打死了這么多。 由于各省、市公安局的局長們還是有顧慮，他們擔心于手讓學生在街上隨意打死人，運動過后自己被追究。毛澤東于八月二十二日親自批轉了一個名為《嚴禁出動警察鎮壓革命學生運動》的文件，規定「不准以任何藉口，出動警察干涉、鎮壓革命學生運動。」「警察一律不得進入學校。」「除了……現行反革命份子，……運動中一律不逮捕人。」于是全國的警察都對紅衛兵行凶打人殺人睜一只眼、閉一只眼。 最高指示」傳遍全國，殺戮在全國范圍進行，無遠弗屆。譬如廣州，有人「目睹七位右派朋友被打死。」全國在這場「紅色恐怖」被殺者應不下十万。   文革初期自殺者約廿万人 更多的人自殺了。世界歷史上，從不曾有過如此多的人在如此大的范圍內、用如此多的法子結束自己的生命。僅一個陝西省，文革中自殺的党、政干部就有兩千多名。 作家巴金回憶道：「當持大家都像發了瘋一樣，看見一個熟人從高樓跳下，毫無同情，反而開會批判，高呼口號，用惡毒的言辭攻擊死者。」八月二日，湖北省委召開文化革命積极份子万人大會，省長張体學說：「有的人怕運動中死人，我看死人不要緊。我們沒有搞非法斗爭，給你擺事實、講道理，以理服人，你要死怪哪個？我叫你不死，你要死，你死了活該。」 六月中，毛澤東曾對李志綏醫生說：「這次死怕又要有千把人自殺。現在是天翻地覆了。我就是高興天下大亂。」他大大低估了這場運動的瘋狂。筆者估計，文革初期自殺的人當在十万至二十万之間，至少是毛澤東估計的「千把人」的一百倍。   武斗為文革死人第二波高峰 一九六七至六八年的「武斗」是文革期間非正常死亡的第二波高峰期。 全國性的武斗起于六七年新疆。一月初，毛澤東號召「奪權」。但軍隊不能奪權。新疆軍區生產建設兵圍石河子的一個汽車團的造反派要奪權，當權派不服，請部隊派人支援，想用武力解決。雙方交火，死傷百余人。軍隊大獲全胜。 這便是一月二十六日的新疆「石河子事件」，全國武斗的第一槍。此后各地武斗綿延不絕，直至六八年底方漸平息。 武斗中死了多少人？今以陝西省為例，勉縣武斗「死亡八十五人，其中打死四十七人，武器走火死亡十二人，武斗汽車肇事死亡十三人，武斗中触電死亡一人，打死無辜群眾三人。」蒲城縣雙方及無辜老百姓死三十四人。城區十余條街道的兩万多所民房被燒。安康縣武斗，歷時一年，毀房屋三千三百余間，死亡七百八十四人。 山西武斗，以長治地區最烈，因為當地是中國的軍火工業的基地之一。軍分區和當地空軍駐軍分別支持兩派。打到交通全部斷絕，空軍提供「空中走廊」支持一派守城市。軍分區集中各縣民兵組成「剿匪兵團」，打開軍火庫，武數万民兵，由軍分區首長指揮攻城戰。在攻克一座煤礦的激戰中，僅守方即陣亡二百多人，數百人負傷。而守方曾在一次交戰中將參戰的役官兵十二個整連外帶四個班全部繳械、俘虜。「雙方打死打傷參戰人員不計其數。」 江青說過四川「武打全國出名了」，「重慶打得稀爛，陣線就比較清楚了。好得很！」全國在單次武斗中傷亡最大的，是四川瀘州。一仗打死兩千余人，另有八千多人成殘廢。   武斗一年死人三十到五十万 浙江也是武斗死亡較多的地方之一，譬如嵊縣雙方共戰死一百九十一人。 有的地方群人組織間的武斗引起地方軍隊鎮壓，造成大批傷亡。譬如宁夏，一九六七年八月間，康生指示駐宁夏的部隊支持一派，「必要時可發槍自衛」，并在青銅峽地區鎮壓「保守派」，打死、打傷各一百余人。浙江空五軍政委陳勵耘、陸軍第二十軍政委南萍夥同杭州造反派頭頭張永生、武裝鎮壓蕭山、富陽兩縣。在蕭山打死二十七人，大部份是抓獲后活活拷打死的；在富陽打死一百三十五人，打殘三百一十九人，燒毀房屋一千二百余間。 文革中一些群眾組織如被認為有异端行為也會遭到當局殘酷鎮壓。如云南的群眾組織滇西挺進隊被說是要叛國，軍隊進行圍剿，用机槍掃射，二十分鐘后將該組織數千人屠殺殆盡。 虐待俘虜是文革中武斗一大特色。武斗中死亡者相當大一部份是被虐殺的戰俘。如河北雄縣由軍隊三十八軍支持的那一派動用大炮攻打對立面，攻克對方据點后，將俘虜都用鐵絲串起；男的穿肩胛骨，女的從肛門穿進、陰戶穿出，游街之后，全部槍殺。陝西安康縣武斗中亂打濫殺俘虜二百八十六人，自殺二十人。亂打濫殺包括矛戮、刀砍、石砸、槍打、絞死，還有讓被殺者背炸藥包、手榴彈炸死，甚至一次「審訊」活埋了十三人。山西長治劉格平派在中央的壓力下交出武器后，成了對方肆虐、報复的對象。据后來去采訪的作家趙瑜所記：「其复仇面積之大、手段之狠，都是空前絕后，不忍贅述的。凡是古代曾經用過的酷刑，這里全用上了。」「除了有些頭頭被槍斃以外，更有相當一批人死于『修理』或『退火』之中」。 江西宜丰縣的一派相鄰的上高縣去武斗，死了四人。回來召開追悼會，為了給死去的烈士祭魂，會上捍然槍殺了三名從上高縣抓來的無辜老百姓。 廣州作家秦牧曾這樣記述在廣州街頭所見：「人們咬著匕首，抬尸游行」。「在一些中學門口，看到因武斗而武的學生的訃告，上面大書『享年十七歲』、『永垂不朽』等字眼。」一天早上，「當我走回報社的時候，一路都看到路樹吊尸的景象。那些尸体，大多是被打破了頭顱、鮮血迸流的。在從一德路到人民中路短短一段路程中，我竟見到八具這樣的尸体。」 一年多的武斗期間，全國非正常死亡人數應在三十万至五十万之間。 一九六八年至六九年的「清隊」，是「清理階級隊伍」的簡稱。這是毛澤東和周恩來聯手「橫掃一切牛鬼蛇神」的高潮，是文革中死人最多的時期。   清理階級隊伍死人最多 全國兩千余縣，一個縣平均一百左右死于「清隊」。如黑龍江省賓縣，打死一百四十三人，打殘三十二人。 在這場運動中，二百多人非正常死亡的縣不算是多的。如上海川沙縣，「五千零六十三人遭揪斗，二百三十六人非正常死亡。」譬如上海寶山縣「清隊」，「經縣革委會審批的揪斗對象一千七百零二人……全縣清隊中非正常死亡人數達三百三十四人。」 人口特別少的縣，在「清隊」中被整死的人數才少于一百。譬如中蘇邊境上的人口僅數万的愛暉縣，關押看管了一千五百多人，「造成六十五人非正常死亡」。 若以一個人口一至二万人的人民公社為單位來看，死人數則大約數以十計。如上海奉賢縣新寺人民公社有九十一人被批斗，四十八人被批判，十一人被整死。廣西扶綏縣昌平公社，「清隊」時「全社非正常死亡二十三人。」吉林省延吉縣「深挖地下國民党特務，深挖朝鮮特務」，「棒子底下出特務」，只有一百一十戶人家的樺田生產大隊竟有四十四人被揪斗，致死致傷四十一人。 各級革命委員會平易近人這場運動的執行者。比如遼宁台安縣城鄉各單位「用法西斯的手段私立公堂、嚴刑拷打……橡皮鞭、斗弓子、木棒子、爐勾子，各种刑具交替使用，噴气式、挂黑板、舉磚頭、跪碗渣，應有盡有。」「新挖出各种『階級敵人』一千二百八十八名」，使「一百三十五人死亡、許多人致殘。四十三人被投獄判刑。」遼宁凌源縣，僅子虛烏有的「國民党反共救國團」一案便揪了九百一十三人，「致死二十五人，致殘五十一人。」   五十万人死于清隊 按照毛澤東「專政是群眾的專政」的指示，各地都層層建立了「群眾專政指揮部」。以江西万年縣為例采用的「刑罰种類有捆綁、吊打、壓貢子、站凳頭、跪瓦片、坐老虎凳、作噴气式、電触、紅鐵烙、灌吃大糞、開水澆頭、大熱天反穿羊皮大衣晒太陽等數十种。大黃公社一位女醫生被誣為『現行反革命』，揪出來用電触奶頭、用開水澆陰道，當場昏死，目不忍睹。据公安局統計，全縣被打死或被迫害至死的有二百一十四人。」一九六八年五月，山西鄉宁「亂捕亂斗、挂牌游街、毆打干部群眾一千二百多人次，其中打死二十六人，打傷打殘五十多人。」六月，抓捕一批中學生，刑計逼供，打死三人，打傷打殘十多人。 執掌各省、市党、政、軍大權的軍人是這場運動的指揮者。如黑龍江省大慶油田于一九六八年五月成立革命委員會，第十六軍副軍長諸傳禹擔任主任，在「清隊」運動中，「自殺、打死人的現象不斷增多，一至四月份自殺十五人，五至六月份自殺三十六人，打死七人。」 工人本不是文革的目標，但毛澤東有「文革是國共兩党斗爭的繼續」的指示，國民党時期的老工人也成了斗爭對象。 北京二七机車車輛厂是毛澤東親自抓的所謂「六厂二校」之一，是全國「清隊」運動的樣板。軍宣隊領導下，一千四百多名一九四九年前進厂的老工人中，九百多人被「審查」，逼得十四名老工人自殺身亡。甘肅玉門油礦曾是國民党執政時期中國主要的石油企業，凡共產党接管油礦時年滿十八歲的都要「過篩子」，整死了九名干部和八名工人，數百人被毒打致殘、精神失常。陝西銅川市焦坪煤礦挖出一個「反共救國軍」，省革委會副主任胡煒（二十一軍軍長或政委）親自驅車到焦坪煤礦督陣，「進一步掀起對敵斗爭新高潮」，嚴刑逼供。無端受株連卻多達五百多人，含冤自殺的有八人。 石家庄鐵路局的「清隊」，是一場大血案。「僅這一血案，被迫害的干部、工人，就達一千六百四十五人，其中致死四十八人，致殘一百二十八人。」 知識份子集中的地方是當然的「清隊」重點。湖南大學自「學校革委會成立后，被亂捕亂關和游斗的就有三百多人，其中，被迫害自殺死亡的十八人，長期挨斗折磨致死的六人，被錯判刑的十六人。」中國科學院上海分院各研究所有六百多人被誣為特務，其中二百多人被「隔离審查」，二人被活活打死，十人打成殘廢，四人自殺，包括一九四九年從美國歸來的女科學家雷宏淑；另有九人自殺獲救未死。 粗略估計，死于「清隊」的人數應在五十万人以上。   趙健民案一万七千余人冤死 一九六八年一月二十一日，康生毫無根据地當面指控云南省委書記趙健抿是叛徒國民党特務，下令公安部部長謝富治當場逮捕。整個云南便抓起「執行趙健民國民党云南特務組計划」的份子來。僅此一案，云南省一百三十八万人被敵牽連，一万七千余人被打死、逼死、六万一千多人被打殘。僅昆明地區就打死了一千四百七十三人，打殘九千六百六十一人。 云南又有「划線」一說。在兩派斗爭中站錯了線的便入了另冊。「一時間，昆明街頭上貼滿了『槍斃』的布告。有的人被活活打死，補上告示了事。」「据一九七五年的統計數字，受到各种刑訊逼供、審查監禁的達三十万人，其中三万七千人死于非命。」   冀東李楚离案三千人死于非命 中共中央組織部副部長李楚离曾擔任冀東党的領導人，領導過冀東大暴動。李被打成叛徒后，冀東党組織也成了「國民党」組織。這是文革中的又一件大案，八万多人受株連，三千人死于非命。 國防科委第九研究院（核武器研究院）所屬二二一厂及開采核燃料的礦區，由科委派出的工作組負責人趙登程与科委副主任趙啟明（原海軍副司令）指揮「清隊」。他們下達指示：「不殺人打不開局面」。在他們指揮下，該厂設了四十余處監獄，先后關押了四千余人。從全國各地經過嚴格的政治審查調去的一百多名專家、教授、工程師，百分之九十成了「特務」、「反革命」。全厂被打死、被逼自殺的達五十九人，包括九院副院長王志剛，打傷、打殘的則有三百多。被逼瘋的大人和因雙親被抓而嚇瘋的小孩近百名。   內蒙內人党整死一万六千人 一九六八年二月，江青、陳伯達、姚文元等接見天津市革委會及群眾組織代表宣布天津作家協會主席方紀是「劉、鄧反革命司令部在文藝上的代言人」，天津市委書記王亢之「支持方紀這夥人」。兩天后，王自殺身亡，方被投入監獄。因江青又說天津市公安局与方紀合夥「專了我們的政」，天津市公安局遂成「黑窩」，一千二百余干警被審查。据方紀說，所謂「審查」，實則「濫施酷刑，刑罰名目之繁多，手段之殘忍，駭人听聞，令人發指。」該局干警被逼死、整死的多達四十四人，包括公安局局長江楓。 「內人党」－－內蒙古人民革命党成立于一九二四年，以實現內蒙古自治為目標。后來因蘇聯插手，其中的國民党被清除，該党名存實亡。一九四五年，該党恢复，并由業已漢化、連蒙古語都不會說的中共党員烏蘭夫等控制。不久，中共怕它勢力壯大，日后無法控制，一九四六年指示它停止活動。文革中，烏蘭夫成黑幫，康生指示在內蒙古大抓「內人党」。結果在整個內蒙古地區和內蒙古軍區胡抓亂捕，許多村落的牧民，被迫排隊去登記自己的「內人党」份子。全內蒙古有三十四万六千余人被審查、揪斗、關押，四分之三是蒙古族。因刑訊逼供而終身殘廢的多達八万七千一百八十多人，整死的則有一万六千二百二十二人。（一說「被迫害致死者竟達十多万人」，存疑。）   一打三反与清查五一六運動 一九七○年的「一打三反」的內容是：打擊現行反革命破坏活動，反對貪污盜竊、投机倒把、鋪張浪費。那個「三反」，与老百姓不相干，反不到小民頭上，所以當權派并不感興趣。「一打三反」其實只有「一打」，并無「三反」。七○年春始的「一打」是對「清隊」時未完全解決的文革中對立派的最后的鎮壓。 譬如上海集中追查曾參与炮打張春橋的學生，王秀珍說「對這批新生反革命不能手軟」，市委部署清查，僅复旦大學等六所大學就有一百二十多人被逮捕、監禁、五人被逼自殺，三人被逼瘋。上海交響樂團指揮陸鴻恩因「涂寫《毛主席語錄》」，在「一打三反」中被判處死刑，押往刑場執刑前，喉管被割斷，免得他呼喊「反動口號」。 文革后最高法院向中共中央報告：「一九七○年『一打三反』運動中錯判死刑取為突出。宁夏錯殺七十人中，一九七○年判處的有六十八人；天津市錯殺的二十八人中，一九七○年判處的有二十二人。」 「一打三反」之殘酷，只比「清隊」稍遜，但也猛烈异常。所以云南鎮雄縣的官方記載，便把「清隊」和「一打三反」合一而談：「省革委派工作隊來鎮雄指導『清理階級隊伍』和『一打三反』，搞逼供信，造成一百○七人非正常死亡。」上海市南匯縣「一打三反」，審查、斗爭了三千余人，「造成非正常死亡六十二人」。寶山縣「一打三反」和「清查五一六份子」結合，共清出五千多「有問題的對象」、「四十一人被迫自殺」。 這是文革中最后一次大批中國人自殺之事件。譬如青海貴德縣，『一打三反』中十四人自殺，后全部平反昭雪。   一打三反大殺政治犯 陝西安康縣農民易道均，因住房窄小、陰暗無光，無法張貼毛澤東標准像；小孩呼喊「毛主席万歲」說了一句「哪里能活一万歲」，成「現行反革命」，被縣軍管會判處死刑，于一九七○年六月槍決。副縣長雷云祺、縣政協常委張開印、屬一九四九年起義投誠后留用的人員。軍管會以「反革命」罪將他們槍決。該縣「一打三反」中拘捕二五四人，槍決一十七人，判刑十二人，戴「反革命」帽子二十五人，二十人自殺身亡。 一九七○年八月的一天，人口僅三十万的省會銀川市近十万人擠滿体育場和四周的街道，觀看公判「現反」。這天判決的是以十三名青年學生為成員的反動組織「共產主義自修大學」。因一名女性已在關押期間触電自殺，其余十二人，三名「死刑，立即執行」。被槍決者之一的吳述樟年僅二十二歲，最大的罪惡時：曾在《毛主席語錄》「再版前言」的「毛主席的指示，一句頂一万句」的旁空處，寫過「放屁」二字。 三月二十二日，甘肅省會蘭州的万人宣判大會結束后，二十多名死刑犯被架上卡車游街示眾，然后到達軍警密布的形場。被殺者之一是甘肅師范大學歷史系老教授張師亮。因在該系的學術討論會上他曾批評過毛澤東，認為毛澤東的「階級斗爭，一些階級胜利了，一些階級消滅了，這就是歷史，這就是几千年的文明史」的說法，不妥當、不全面。 二月十七日，江西省會南昌召開万人宣判大會，二十二歲的吳曉飛被槍決。他的罪名是曾寫下兩篇論文，說文化革命「是一件反常的政治事件」，「人民不管從政治上和經濟上說來都得不到一絲好處」；抨擊林彪「神化毛主席」，江青「是文化革命中無政府主義泛濫的根源」，對劉少奇的迫害「不擇手段、不通情理」等等。 由于中央將判處死刑的審批權下放給各省、市，各地利用此机會殺了很多政治犯。三月間，湖南「長沙當局開了兩次大的殺人大會每次處決近百名犯人，其中一半以上是政治犯。」四月的一天，當局又宣布次日將判處六十多名反革命份子死刑。可是，第二天上午九時，有線廣播突然通知，宣判大會取消了。原來，中央發現地方殺人過多，需要有所控制，突然收回了判處死刑的審批權。這樣長沙的一批反革命份子便幸運地由死刑改成了十五年徒刑。 被冤枉的确實大多數是平民百姓。一九七○年十月，廣州軍區令員丁盛听說海南島白沙縣一名女醫士官朋華在監獄里還寫文章罵林彪，便親自支持會議，將她判處死刑。臨槍決前怕她呼喊口號，特用一節竹筒塞進她嘴里，穿上鐵絲扎在腦后。比北方槍斃張志新前割斷喉管稍為文明一點。 安徽淮南市監獄，「十尺零六寸長□監房里，經常關上十四、五個人，每人只有八寸寬的地盤。……一殺人，就早上四點拉鈴，然后用几個高音喇叭放樣板戲。然后凶神惡煞般的劊子手就進來拉人：『你！』『你！』『你！！！』惊天動地哭叫，隨著是一排攝人魂儿的槍聲……。」 由于「清隊」、「一打」、「清查五一六份子」三場運動，一個連著一個，江蘇省只籠統公布了這三場運動中受迫害的人的總數：「以莫須有的罪名，把几十万無辜的干部、組織打成叛徒、特務、現行反革命和『五一六』份子，加以迫害，成千上万人致傷、致殘、致死。」 這場運動的非正常死亡數，也應在十五至二十万之間。   結語 以上談的僅是文革中的几個大事件的非正常死亡。文革十年間總死亡人數相當高，北京市因冤獄而死的即有九千八百多人。上海被「立案審查」的有二十四万余人，被折磨致死、自殺的超過一万人，被逼瘋、打殘的更多。至于縣以下單位，全國兩千余縣，平均每個縣死亡當在五百至一千人。譬如陝西安康縣，文革中「非正常死亡一千三百人。」 官方的統計數字是：「總的估計，因大量冤假錯案受到誣陷、迫害和株連的達到一億人以上。」「去台人員家屬」中的冤、假、錯冤多達十多万。概而論之，說文革中非正常死亡在二百万以上不會過多。 （丁抒：中國旅美學者，著作有《人禍》等。本文引述皆有出處，從略） (轉自《兩千年目睹之怪現象》)